A far-right extremist killed 77 individuals in Norway. A decade on, ‘the hatred remains to be on the market’ however attacker’s affect is seen as low

2021-07-22 13:12:56

In a nationwide memorial handle at Oslo Cathedral simply two days after the assaults, Stoltenberg known as for “extra democracy, extra openness, and extra humanity.”

Talking with CNN’s “Amanpour” present in an interview to mark the anniversary, Stoltenberg — now NATO secretary-general — repeated that message and applauded the best way Norwegians had responded. However, he warned, the “hatred remains to be on the market.”

Final month, the College of Oslo’s Heart for Analysis on Extremism (C-REX) printed a collection of analyses Breivik’s long-term affect.

The creator of one of many reviews, Dr. Jacob Aasland Ravndal, informed CNN it appeared extra restricted than media protection would recommend. “There was in fact quite a lot of concern after the assaults that they might generate copycat assaults,” he mentioned. However “considerably surprisingly,” he mentioned, there have not been many clear-cut instances of direct inspiration from Breivik.

Rightwing extremist Anders Behring Breivik arrives in court on April 16, 2012 for the start of his trial.
One of many extra obvious hyperlinks is to the taking pictures assault in Munich, Germany on July 22, 2016, during which an 18-year-old German-Iranian man killed 9 individuals. The rampage was carried out on the fifth anniversary of the Norway assaults and the attacker had been “speaking lots about Breivik,” Ravndal mentioned. “However he was additionally deeply impressed by many different figures,” Ravndal mentioned, a few of them school-shooters.
The opposite apparent case is that of Brenton Tarrant, the Australian far-right terrorist who live-streamed an assault during which he killed 51 Muslim worshipers at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, in March 2019.

However though Tarrant claimed to have been impressed by Breivik, investigators discovered that he had began his planning a while earlier than he learn Breivik’s manifesto. “So even there, you may query how a lot of an influence Breivik had,” Ravndal mentioned. Tarrant’s personal manifesto may be very totally different from Breivik’s, together with in its politics, he added.

Inside Norway, analysis signifies that the far proper has not gained a lot attraction general for the reason that assaults and has been unable to prove supporters in any numbers on the streets, Ravndal mentioned.

“In fact in Norway, as all over the place else, on-line exercise has grown over these 10 years,” he mentioned. “However whether or not that displays a considerable enhance of far-right exercise or just mirrors the expansion of social media on the web, that is very troublesome to say.”

Capturing spree

On that quiet summer time day in 2011, Breivik drove a van filled with a home made fertilizer bomb into Oslo and parked it exterior a authorities workplace. A couple of minutes later, it exploded, killing eight individuals, injuring many extra and damaging a number of buildings.
Firefighters work at the site of the explosion near government buildings in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, on July 22, 2011.

Breivik, in the meantime, had set off by automobile on the 25-mile journey to Utoya Island, the place a Labour Get together summer time youth camp was happening. Posing as a police officer who was checking on safety following the Oslo assault, he caught a ferry to the island and carried out a taking pictures spree during which 69 individuals died — most of them youngsters. Many others have been critically wounded.

Throughout his trial, Breivik boasted of being an ultranationalist who killed his victims to struggle multiculturalism in Norway, saying he acted out of “necessity” to stop the “Islamization” of the nation beneath the ruling center-left Labour Get together.
A court docket ruling meant his testimony was not televised, denying him an opportunity to broadcast his views to a large viewers. However Breivik believed his writings would encourage right-wing terrorists to comply with in his footsteps.
Police and emergency services gather following the massacre at a summer youth camp on July 22, 2011 on Utoya Island, Norway.
Whereas elements of his three-book manifesto have been lifted from different sources, such because the writings of “Unabomber” Ted Kaczynski in the US, Breivik additionally detailed his meticulous, years-long planning and gave strategic and operational recommendation.

In response to Professor Matthew Feldman, director of the UK-based Centre for Evaluation of the Radical Proper (CARR), Breivik’s doc can nonetheless “simply” be discovered within the darker reaches of the web regardless of efforts to take away it.

That manifesto was “paradigmatic,” Feldman mentioned, “not simply because it confirmed what one particular person can do by way of the horrific lack of life” but additionally in its focusing on of Muslims and what Breivik known as “cultural Marxism.”

Much more importantly, Feldman mentioned, Breivik’s case confirmed the risks posed by lone-wolf actors who self-radicalize on-line by means of networks of like-minded people and perform their preparations for violent assaults on-line, making them very arduous to detect.
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On the similar time, Feldman mentioned, there was the “sluggish rise, some would name it mainstreaming, of right-wing extremism,” helped partly by publicity on right-wing media platforms. “For some it was laid naked on January 6 in the US [in the assault on the Capitol] nevertheless it’s one thing that is been gathering tempo slowly however steadily in current many years,” he mentioned.

Regardless of this backdrop, Breivik’s actions and manifesto have gained restricted traction, in response to Ravndal.

His evaluation for C-REX signifies that “to start with the far-right throughout the board rejected him,” mentioned Ravndal. A web based assist community that was established for Breivik later collapsed. It was solely with the emergence of on-line boards like 4chan and 8chan that Breivik as soon as once more began to get optimistic mentions, Ravndal mentioned.

“The principle discovering, all in all, each relating to ways but additionally for political, ideological assist, is that it has been surprisingly little,” he mentioned. “It has been potential to seek out assist, however luckily lower than one may need frightened about initially contemplating the excessive loss of life toll and all the eye these assaults bought globally.”

Societal influence

Right now, the talk has shifted in elements of Norwegian society to broader ideological questions, Ravndal mentioned.

Some — significantly within the youth wing of the Labour Get together — really feel that there has not been a reckoning with the nation’s far-right motion, the largest participant during which is the populist, right-wing Progress Get together, he mentioned.

Breivik had been a member of the Progress Get together when he was youthful however the celebration distanced itself from him after the assault.
In a joint assertion printed on the celebration’s web site earlier this month, celebration chief Sylvi Listhaug and deputy leaders Ketil Solvik-Olsen and Terje Søviknes pushed again towards any suggestion that the Progress Get together was not united with different Norwegians in rejecting Breivik’s attitudes and actions.

“We should all stand collectively towards violent extremism — no matter whether or not it comes from the ‘far proper’, ‘far left’ or excessive interpretations of faith,” the assertion mentioned. “Solely the extremists will win if we exclude one another from the grief after July 22 and weaken the unity across the wrestle for democracy, freedom of expression and equality.”

Labour has promised that if it wins energy in elections this September, it should arrange a brand new fee to take a look at radicalization.

There’s additionally debate about whether or not the assault ought to be interpreted as an assault on Norwegian society as a complete, or as an assault on the Labour Get together particularly, Ravndal mentioned. “Right now, some inside the Labour Get together maybe really feel that that a part of the story has been uncared for a bit.”

People stand next to the "Iron roses" memorial outside Oslo Cathedral on September 28, 2019, to commemorate the 77 victims of Anders Behring Breivik's attacks.

Feldman considers that Norway’s response was formed by the sense that the perpetrator was “certainly one of their very own,” as have been the victims, with no sense of “otherness” to power a extra multicultural response.

“Norway basically requested itself this query, and it is a very legitimate one … ‘How did Norwegian society produce such a monster?'” he mentioned. “It is a very inward-looking query.”

Against this, he mentioned, New Zealand took a way more international method because it checked out what led as much as the Christchurch assaults. This was partly as a result of Tarrant, an Australian, had focused worshipers at mosques, a lot of whom have been foreign-born.

On the similar time, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern’s response, together with carrying a hijab to satisfy survivors and family members of these killed, was central in bringing all New Zealanders collectively in assist of the victims as fellow residents, he mentioned.
Simply weeks later, New Zealand collaborated with France to provide the “Christchurch Name” — a dedication by governments and tech corporations to get rid of terrorist and violent extremist content material on-line — and subsequently labored with the US and United Nations to maintain the difficulty on the agenda, Feldman mentioned.

He hopes to win additional commitments to counter extremist content material on-line at an occasion he’s concerned with in Bergen, Norway, subsequent month.

Members of the public pay their respects near Utoya Island on July 24, 2011 in Norway.

Breivik’s ideology ‘remains to be on the market’

Chatting with CNN earlier this month, Stoltenberg spoke of the shock he felt as he realized the dimensions of the horrors perpetrated by Breivik — and the private disappointment it introduced, since he knew lots of the victims.

He additionally stood by the message he delivered to the nation because it was nonetheless reeling from the July 22 assaults.

Norway's then-Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, left, embraces Eskil Pedersen, leader of the Norwegian Labour Youth league and a survivor of the Utoya attack, on July 23, 2011.

“I nonetheless consider that our reply was the precise one,” Stoltenberg informed CNN. “[Breivik] needed to assault our free, open democratic societies. So the very best response is extra openness, extra democracy, as a result of then we show that he’s not successful, we’re successful.

“He demonstrated hatred. One of the best response to hatred is love. So … I actually welcomed the sturdy message from the individuals of Norway, as (we) have seen additionally in lots of different nations which were attacked, that we get up for our values.”

That however, Stoltenberg doesn’t consider that Breivik has been fully defeated.

“He’s convicted, he’s in jail. However his ideology, that’s nonetheless on the market. And due to this fact we have to proceed — I feel we by no means will probably be within the place the place we will say that we’ve got received the struggle, we will shut the chapter combating towards extremism.”

Since 2011, Norway has carried out measures to guard — so far as potential — towards such assaults sooner or later, Stoltenberg mentioned. And, he added, Brevik — whose 21-year sentence could possibly be prolonged sooner or later if he nonetheless poses a risk — has misplaced in a single key respect.

“We’ve to know that the aim of this assault was to alter Norway basically. And … sure, in fact, this will probably be a part of Norway’s historical past,” he mentioned. “It is going to be a part of who we’re so long as we exist. However basically, it has not modified who we’re.”

CNN’s Frederik Pleitgen contributed to this report.

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Supply by [earlynews24.com]